Matthew
Taylor, Chief Executive to the Royal Society of Arts and a former
adviser to Tony Blair, recently wrote an article in the magazine,
Prospect, on the political potential of new developments in
behaviourial economics, neuroscience and related disciplines. Such an
enterprise is always difficult, in so far as new research is often
part of an expanding research programme and questions are not fully
answered. Therefore, one should be careful in the enthusiastic
application of such results to the political arena.
Taylor's
article marries the politics and selected research results, with
section headings such as the Social Democratic brain and the
Conservative brain. Without citing too much detail, the aim of the
article is to describe and promote this research as a source of
justifications for policy and power:
Much
of this research makes good reading for social democrats. By
highlighting our psychological frailties and the way these contribute
to market epidemics, behavioural economics makes a powerful case for
regulation, paternalism and measures to promote feelings of security.
Nor is this the only encouragement for the traditional left.
The
vision that Taylor pictures of mankind as a social being, who
requires constraints and direction through social institutions and
norms is the danger that the contemporary amateur interpretation of
scientific results will conclude. Homo oeconomicus is
circumscribed by the explorations of rationality undertaken by
neuroscience and social Darwinism, but the disciplinary failure of
the social sciences, the tabula rasa, is erased from the
historical backdrop, as this draws attention to their total failure.
A neoliberal dominance in our understanding of the human is conjured
up to allow the entry of this new legitimation.
Given
that there is no consensus on human nature, merely a greater
understanding of our predispositions and controversy over how they
relate to the social sphere, is it not arrogant to presume that
existing political ideas have the key to unlock the controversial
interplay of the social and the inherited. Such interventions in the
past have proved disastrous, as the race science of the twentieth
century demonstrates. Caution is a watchword here.
The
byproduct of this article and talk is the realisation that neither
the Tories or Labour can articulate moral arguments and are reduced
to tagging their miserable ideas on to the emergent exploration of
human nature for the sheen of scientific authority. Economists and
intellectuals working in these disciplines are seduced by the
consultation of those in power and turn towards the exercise of
application in a political sphere.
This
article is a useful reminder of what both parties share. Drinking
from the same well via 'libertarian paternalism' or behaviourial
economics, we begin to see the outlines of a commonality in approach,
though there are differences in institutional and political
implementation. Neither approach from Labour or the Tories is a
friend to freedom.