One occasionally comes across local websites that provide a picture at complete variance with that represented in the Western press. Given the fog that surrounds the analysis of Iraq, who is to say how accurate such pictures are? This one is quite unique.
The first assumption of the writer is that Iraq actually entered a stage of civil war three weeks ago. Since the Bush and Blair administrations would never admit that Iraq is in a civil war, questions about how if or when it started will certainly exercise historians. The second is that the civil war is fought between a political axis, unrecognised by the West.
The insurgency in Iraq is portrayed as the struggle between the elites who have accommodated themselves to the invasion, and Sunni or Sadrite militias who view the United States as an occupation force and wish to throw then out. The insurgency is complicated by the participation of foreign jihadists and the subordination of Sunni or Ba'athist Arabism to a fundamentalist ideology. Yet, this website protrays a struggle between Iraqi nationalists (the Sadr brigades, Sunnis, and leftists) against Iranian backed Shias who wish to federalise and partition the country, providing space for Khomeinist influence in the south. The United States is a supporter of the partitionists.
Since all representations serve a political goal, we can view this narrative as an alternative, designed to switch Iraqi concerns away from the United States towards Iran. The United States, despite its presence in the country, is consigned to a subordinate role, whilst the main opponent of a unitary Iraqi state, is now designated as Iran.
In this context, Iran's ability three weeks ago, with US approval, to convince the Iraqi parliament to pass legislation authorizing an autonomous Shia state in southeastern Iraq, modeled after Kurdistan, turned out to be the event that launched all out civil war in Iraq.
Once this Iranian-US partition initiative became law, over the strong objections of Muqtada al-Sadr and his Sunni allies, Muqtada had two choices -- submit to the Iranian occupation forces (e.g. the Badr Brigades) and the US, and go under, or escalate against Iran.
As an Iraqi patriot, Muqtada al-Sadr chose to escalate against Iran, beginning in Amara. Up until now Muqtada as Sadr and the Badr Brigades agreed to share power in Amara. Now power sharing is on the way out, for good.
The conflicts within Iraq are recast in a nationalist mould; the revanchist insurgency re-presented as defenders, against the influence of interlopers who wish to destroy Iraq. The ultimate threats is given as the annexation of south-eastern Iraq and Basra by Iran.
Some of these threats are wildly exaggerated, and it is doubtful that the United States has co-operated with Iran to the extent that the author alleges. Notwithstanding the accusation, a certain level of co-operation will have taken place, in the interests of both parties.
This article is the product of the supporters of a unitary Iraq, and indicates that there is a wish that the religious divide was nullified in defence of an Iraqi 'nation'. Partition and dissolution are invoked as threats to support such a coalition, and Iran is elevated to the prime threat, instead of the United States.
Is there a civil war? Perhaps. Can Iraqi forces be viewed through the prism of nationalists versus the Kurdish nation and the Shia autonomy. It is one factor within the kaleidoscope of political forces, and as the coalition re-examines its approach, arguments about the structural future of Iraq and the role of Baghdad are coming to the fore.