Longstanding blogger, Emmanuel Goldstein, now drifted away from the blogosphere completely as far as I know, viewed Jim Bennett's concept of the Anglosphere with isolationist hostility. As part of Airstrip One, my own view of the Anglosphere and its underlying conceptual foundation, the 'network commonwealth', was eventually one of interest, though leavened with scepticism that an analytical tool could provide political utility. When my fellow contributor, cuchulainn, raised the subject of the Anglosphere, it seemed time to take stock, especially with the advent of that shared symbolic enterprise, the Commonwealth Games.
Some years after the publication of the original concept of the Anglosphere leaves many readers with the distinct impression that Bennett has ploughed a lonely furrow, and that few commentators have engaged with the changes that his analysis was designed to explain. This may say more about the persistency of academic paradigms than the applicability of Bennett's ideas. After all, take-up may prove more influential if the foreseen changes come to pass, as the opportunities and developments arising from globalisation and the information revolution remodel foreign relations in surprising and unpredictable ways. To his merit, Bennett's work grappled with these changes when other analysts maintained their traditional approaches.
The 'diplomatic revolutions' of 9/11 and 2003 have obscured these underlying developments. A militarily resurgent United States, trailing allies in its wake, went to war in Iraq. Although the result has been described as an 'Anglo-Saxon' war, the coalition appeared to be a reaffirmation of traditional alliances rather than the nascent strengthening of ties between cultural affiliates. More recent developments such as the warming relationship between the United States and India or the realistic leadership of Steve Harper, the Conservative leader in Canada, are all shifts within the existing structures of power politics. This does not provide any further evidence of a 'network commonwealth' though there is a natural predisposition for the United States to deal with a reforming India.
Since this idea deals with ties at many levels: cultural, social and economic, the key question is whether these links are strengthening and if these will prove sufficient to create beneficial political constituencies that provide a positive reinforcement of the trend, leading to a virtuous circle. The jury is still out, although particular relationships such as India and the United States are probably benefiting from these connections.
My own view is that it is too early to tell still. My worry is that the concept of the 'network commonwealth' Anglosphere is interpreted by many as a deterministic trend, an inevitable outcome of the communications revolution. This formed part of the blogging welcome for Australia and the United Kingdom during the Iraq war. Whilst shared commonalities are necessary preconditions for the Anglosphere as a political construct, I fear that this will never formally come to pass without accepting that contingency and constituency building will play a formal role.
Perhaps such bonds can only be formed or resurrected as part of a World crisis, which seems rather too high a price to pay for the formation of a new Grand Alliance.